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<FONT FACE="Calibri, Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:11pt'><B>Country:</B> French Republic<BR>
<B>Head of State:</B> Adrien Durant, President of the Republic <BR>
<B>Head of Government: </B>Felix Desmarais, Prime Minister <BR>
<B>Population: </B>65,476,127 (2013 est.)</SPAN></FONT><FONT SIZE="1"><FONT FACE="Helvetica, Verdana, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:9pt'> <BR>
</SPAN></FONT></FONT><FONT FACE="Calibri, Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:11pt'><B>GDP (PPP):</B> $2.198 trillion (2012 est.)<BR>
<B>GDP (PPP) per capita:</B> $33,569<BR>
<B>Unemployment:</B> 9.2%<BR>
<B>Economic Growth: </B>1.8% (2012 est.)<BR>
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<B><U>Political Landscape<BR>
</U></B>Nicolas Sarkozy's inability to quickly overcome France's economic slump during the global economic crisis paired with his increasingly inept efforts at reviving the European Union and France's global relevance led to eventual disgruntlement with his leadership even in his own party. Comments similar to those during the 2005 Paris riots only served to prolong the 2011 race riots and further damage the credibility of Sarkozy and the government. Calls for his resignation became louder and unavoidable when he sided with the President of the National Assembly, Bernard Accoyer, during a political corruption scandal involving energy lobbyists that eventually led to Accoyer's conviction and removal from the National Assembly.<BR>
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Politicians within the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) began to regret their 2007 decision to leave the presidency of the party empty by proclaiming that "Nicolas Sarkozy remains, morally, President of the UMP." Leadership positions within the party and the National Assembly were so closely tied to Sarkozy that politicians began to look elsewhere within their party for leadership.<BR>
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Adrien Durant eventually emerged as the most likely and likable candidate. His rise to power within the UMP was based primarily on his assumption of leadership of the Democratic & Popular faction of the party, which contained many members of his former political party, the Union for French Democracy. He was simultaneously elected the new President of the Union for Popular Movement (UMP) and the President of the National Assembly.<BR>
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Durant immediately set about distancing the party from Sarkozy (who had already been informed he would be declining his right to run for re-election in 2012). His political savvy was attributed to rescuing the UMP during the 2010 regional elections, which had been predicted to go heavily in the favour of the French Socialist Party. With the regional elections behind the party, he began positioning for a prolonged fight with the Socialists during the presidential elections of 2012. Although the executive retained considerable power, Durant's use of the media and natural instinct for political manoeuvring allowed the National Assembly (and the UMP) to take credit for France's economic recovery.<BR>
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Despite their success in steering the country out of the economic crisis and onto the road to recovery, the UMP was still unable to make progressive reforms on immigration, the European Union, social issues and foreign relations. The French Socialist Party took full advantage of the UMP's fumbling of social issues and thrived under the leadership of Ségolène Royal. The National Front, relegated to obscurity after Sarkozy's election, surged back on a wave of renewed nationalism fuelled by xenophobia over the 2005 and 2011 race riots.<BR>
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Adrien Durant was put forth as the UMP's candidate in the 2012 presidential election but failed to receive a majority in the initial election in April thanks to the surprising performance of the Socialist and National Front parties. Critics within the UMP blamed Durant's initial performance on his unwillingness to "be political," that is to heavily utilize attack ads and other mudslinging techniques, and his positive sometimes overly cosy relationship with the immigrant community in France. In the runoff election a month later, Durant won the necessary majority in a near repeat of Sarkozy's performance in 2007.<BR>
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Despite UMP efforts to hold off parliamentary elections, the Social and National Front parties pushed for the elections to be held on schedule the month following the presidential election. Determined to "form a government representative for the entire Republic," Durant declined to appoint a Prime Minister and form a government until after the parliamentary elections.<BR>
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The parliamentary elections were hotly contested and saw the UMP lose seats to parties in its own coalition, including the New Centre and Movement for France, as well as to the "United Left" coalition. In the end, Durant's coalition held 300 seats versus the left at 272, led by the Socialist Party's 216 seats. After a week of haggling between party insiders on both sides, Durant was forced by Ségolène Royal to accept Felix Desmarais, the most liberal member of the UMP, as the Republic's Prime Minister.<BR>
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<B><U>Economics<BR>
</U></B>The most necessary but politically unpopular measures for economic recovery were taken by Sarkozy prior to his fall from grace. Privatisation of the government's vast holdings in industries across the spectrum were halted completely, and extraordinary amounts of capital were injected into financial institutions, key industries and public spending programmes. While this managed to halt a snowballing recession and for a time seemed to signal that France would pull out of the recession ahead of other countries, the stimulus eventually faltered and finally plateaued.<BR>
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Led by Durant, the National Assembly began to slowly initiate programs to restart privatisation in the hopes of making gains on economic growth. A second, more targeted stimulus package was crafted and instituted by the National Assembly and yielded an estimated growth rate of 1.8% for 2012 through heavy investment in infrastructure, defence and aerospace industries; emphasizing exports to a recovering global economy; and encouraging further economic integration with countries in western Europe. Although still below the 2.1% prior to global economic crisis, it was hailed as a triumph and led in no small part to Durant's increasing popularity.<BR>
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However, the stimulus programs placed France significantly above the euro zone's 3% of GDP debt cap. Additionally, unemployment rates remain a problem, particularly in Paris and its suburbs, and it is clear that France's economy continues to desperately need an entire overhaul to compete in the global marketplace.<BR>
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<B><U>Social Issues<BR>
</U></B>One of the most significant social issues facing the Republic is the ethnic tension caused by immigration. Although the government upheld controls on immigration, the number of immigrants seeking asylum increased during the global economic crisis. The continuing mismanagement of France's ethnic diversity, particularly in and around Paris, has led to a number of race riots in Paris and other large cities.<BR>
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Although it can be considered one of the best healthcare systems in the world, France's health system is in need of reform as far as the State's involvement is concerned. Mismanagement of the social security system (or some might say the lack of management at all) has resulted in a higher GDP cost for healthcare than is incurred by other countries with similar systems.<BR>
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Likewise, the burgeoning social security system has been a concern to some economists. It was expanded by the National Assembly during the economic downturn, adding to an already expanded system created by Sarkozy to address social exclusion. As characterized by most of Sarkozy's administration, the social welfare reforms made to address social exclusion were ultimately unsuccessful and left the problem unresolved. Conservatives claimed they were "wasteful" and even Socialists joined right-wingers in saying the program was "ill-conceived and poorly implemented."<BR>
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The most worrying social development for members of "the establishment" has been the Pandora's box opened by Sarkozy's attempts at altering France's laïcité, the policy which governs the strict, cultural separation of Church and State. The policy formerly separated the two in the strictest sense, leading to cultural taboos on making public remarks about religious views and open hostility to mixing religion and politics in any way. Sarkozy openly explored the possibility of bringing religion into the public eye throughout his administration, greatly attributing to his declining popularity.<BR>
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However, the crack in the dam begun by the Sarkozy administration has started to grow, although in a surprisingly different direction. A growing number of detractors and supporters of Durant have suggested relaxing the laïcité policy as a possible solution to tensions with the Muslim community, which generally does not see or support a difference between Church and State, especially following the December 2012 attacks. These groups have pointed to the children of immigrants of the 1960's and 1970's who have struggled to integrate themselves into French society and have turned in increasing numbers to Islam as their identity.<BR>
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Like most politicians of his generation, Durant has remained mum on the subject of any changes of the laïcité but he has refused to reverse the nominal changes made by Sarkozy, including government subsidies to religious groups for purely secular activities. The new president's legislative record suggests an embrace of conservative secularism as he voted in favour of the 2004 ban on headscarves and other religious symbols in the classroom and he largely supported the recommendations of the earlier Stasi Commission; however, Durant indicated early in his campaign that the Republic "should stand ready at all times and under all conditions to demonstrate flexibility within new global dynamics while striving to preserve our uniquely French way of life."<BR>
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<B><U>Defence<BR>
</U></B>As part of the two stimulus packages, military expenditures in France increased from 2.6% to 3.0% of GDP from 2009 to 2012. The increase has allowed the armed forces to reduce their debt, especially to small & medium enterprises and contractors, and finance the renovation of military facilities in metropolitan France, overseas territories and bases on foreign soil. However, the majority of the increase has gone into accelerating equipment procurement and research & development and increasing France's military equipment exports.<BR>
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Military reforms started under the Chirac and Sarkozy administrations were allowed to carry on by the National Assembly, but President Durant has indicated that they are currently subject to review. The reforms involve transforming the French armed forces from a primary responsibility of defending France's territorial integrity to becoming more fluid and responsive to allow a quick response to terrorist and other destabilizing threats. Durant has indicated that more emphasis will be placed on allowing for rapid overseas deployment and further integration with European forces, and he has also indicated that France will reconsider the "size and structure" of its nuclear deterrent.<BR>
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<B><U>Foreign Relations<BR>
</U></B>An internationalist by career and inclination, French foreign relations are poised to gain from President Durant's administration. His extensive experience in Francophone Africa may help relieve recent tension with North African states over immigration issues and his European federalism credentials should help revive French and European hopes in the future and success of the European Union. <BR>
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The new French administration has already openly questioned Sarkozy's position on becoming a more active member of NATO; Durant favours participation in European security structures over involvement with the North Atlantic organisation. He has been careful to distance himself from the cosy relationship between Sarkozy and the United States, although he privately acknowledges the "unavoidable necessity" of a strong relationship between Europe and the United States, particularly given China's increasing global importance.<BR>
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In Europe, France is poised to continue its policy of entente cordiale with the United Kingdom and exploring further economic and military integration. Sarkozy and Durant both recognized the importance of the "core" of Europe: the Franco-German relationship. Fringe groups in the political establishment continue to complain about the close relationship between the two countries, and they have been joined by more legitimate voices of concern over immigration policy and civil liberties in recent clashes between German police and immigrants. The Durant administration has altogether ignored these criticisms, and the new President followed in Sarkozy's footsteps by visiting his German counterpart on the afternoon of his inauguration. Franco-Ukrainian relations have also become increasingly warm as France works to integrate Ukraine into NATO structures (to the extent that France itself is involved in the structures); Durant has publicly criticized the separatist movement in eastern Ukraine. Close relations are also maintained with Hungary, Ireland, the Baltic States, Poland and Romania.<BR>
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France's involvement in the Middle East has increased over the past few years, thanks to Sarkozy's willingness to use foreign problems to shift focus from his domestic performance. The Republic supported the Lebanese Army in its attempts to disarm Hezbollah, and Durant has indicated that France will "work endlessly" to insure that Lebanon is once again a model beacon of stability and development in the Middle East. France heavily protested the completion of the West Bank barrier, even going so far as to withdraw its Ambassador from Israel for a few days. Durant has signalled his hope for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, although he seems reluctant to drag the Republic into the brawl. Relations with Iran are likely to remain cool over nuclear weapons development. Any priority on North Africa is expected to be placed on hold until domestic immigration issues are addressed.<BR>
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Durant has announced that he intends to make relations with sub-Saharan Africa, particularly with Francophone countries, a hallmark of his administration's foreign policy. Rumours have circulated that France's activity in Africa will be designed largely as a Western bulwark against increasing Chinese involvement and influence, a sort of Chinese Fashoda syndrome. Work will focus on extensive aid programs designed for poverty alleviation; political and other work aimed at shoring up the stability of sub-Sahara African democracies; and cultural and education programs to increase the presence and importance of French language and culture. Outside traditional Francophone countries, relations with South Africa, Sudan, Ethiopia, East Africa (including Tanzania, Kenya & Uganda) and Nigeria have been specifically targeted for improvement.<BR>
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In Asia, the Republic has expressed its desire for strengthened relations with India but they will likely take a back seat to a focus on East Asia. Economic ties with the People's Republic of China continue to accelerate at a rapid pace, especially where aerospace and technology are concerned. Durant has expressed a desire to strengthen cultural ties between the two countries but privately there is a great deal of worry at the Élysée about China's growing influence in Africa, particularly where Francophone countries are concerned, and it's militarization. France is keen to capitalize on the good relations established with Japan during the Chirac years and with the Republic of Korea as a deterrent against North Korea (and, possibly, China). More than a passing interest has been noted in moving beyond the healthy diplomatic and cultural ties in order to strengthening military cooperation with both countries. Elements within the Foreign Ministry are pushing improved relations with Francophone countries in Southeast Asia but their relative economic and political unimportance seem to have placed them off the presidential radar.<BR>
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<B><U>Timeline<BR>
</U></B>June 2010: Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) performs better than expected in regional elections thanks to Durant's party leadership.<BR>
July 2011: Race riots erupt in Paris after French security forces arrested 4 Algerian men accused of plotting a terrorist action. Tensions ignite and the demonstrations by non-French people turn the suburbs of Paris and other cities in France into a veritable warzone for a week. Cars are burnt, small bombs go off, buildings vandalized, and French bystanders attacked.<BR>
May 2012: Adrien Durant elected President of the French Republic.<BR>
June 2012: Union for a Popular Movement maintains a narrow majority in the National Assembly and accepts a centre-left parliamentarian as Prime Minister.<BR>
December 2012: Algerian immigrants attempt to attack the Cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris with gunfire and grenades as the 1830 Mass celebrated by the Archbishop lets out, killing 70 and wounding 45 children who had just made their First Communion. The perpetrators manage to escape in the chaos.<BR>
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<B><U>Character Biography<BR>
</U></B>Adrien Durant was born April 21, 1950 in the 16th arrondissement of Paris to a wealthy family involved in the textile business. His early life was characterised by frequent trips to Francophonie holdings with his father to consolidate business agreements, which gave him a healthy interest in the workings of the world. His parents set aside their own hopes for their eldest son to inherit the business and fully supported his growing political aspirations, securing him positions in the Lycée Louis-Le-Grand, Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris and École Nationale d'Administration. His education and the contacts made through his education essentially guaranteed him a high position in government upon graduation.<BR>
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In 1976, he was appointed the Deputy Director for Cultural and Artistic Cooperation in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and spent the majority of his time travelling to Francophone countries. After a brief stint as director of that office, his contacts in West Africa earned his appointments as Ambassador to Senegal, Chad, Tunisia and Mali. In the 1990's he served as the Deputy Director for West Africa, the Africa and Indian Ocean Director and Minister of State for Cooperation and the Francophonie early in the Chirac administration.<BR>
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His resignation was less in protest and more to satisfy his political ambitions. Career diplomats were rarely Presidents or Prime Ministers, so he made the move to the National Assembly in the hopes of boosting his credentials. He followed a strictly centrist philosophy with populist leanings and secured a number of re-elections from his Parisian constituency. A member of Union for French Democracy (UDF) until its merger with Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), like most UDF members Durant strongly supported European federalism.<BR>
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Divorced with two children in secondary school, Durant is generally the embodiment of French charm (and arrogance). His internationalist tendencies and experiences abroad have granted him some flexibility, but his time with the Office of Cultural Cooperation and French Language Promotion has been the hallmark of his career. He is extremely proud of his French heritage but quietly insists, as a small but growing number of politicians do, that France should exhibit some degree of flexibility in making concessions to the diversity of people that live in the Republic. He is an extremely principled man and prefers to leave yielding and negotiation to subordinates.</SPAN></FONT>
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