[War] Japan: "Another Day at the Kantei"

[Ian Martell]

"Another Day at the Kantei"
Prime Minister Shunichi Sato
Japan
July 20th 2006
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The Prime Minister’s life had gone from the quiet calm of his weekend at 
home to flurry of activity surrounding the change over of power from the 
outgoing Koizumi Cabinet to his own. Even as the final touches were being 
put on the inaugural statements of the Cabinet by the Cabinet office, the 
work of lining up the Sato’s policies was underway. In true Japanese fashion 
this was done through quiet meetings with the true powers in both business 
and politics as much as with the Ministers and their staff. While many of 
these meetings were in the guise of informal dinners or nights of bar 
hopping in Tokyo’s Ropponji district, that was the work for younger men 
however but when it came to negotiating the passage of the amendment of 
Article 9 of the Constitution the informal methods had failed and so it was 
that Sato and the heads of the LDP sat down with their opposite numbers in 
their coalition partner the New Komeito Party.

“I’ve always enjoyed the look of the new Kantei building,” said Takenori 
Kanzaki the President of the New Komeito Party as he sipped his tea a 
staffer had just delivered. “The Special Reception room especially.”

He nodded to his surroundings. The Special Reception room was particularly 
nice Sato had to agree, it was elegant and featured a wall length frosted 
window to which Sato had his back to. The light coming from it illuminated 
LDPers and made it hard for their partners to look directly at them. It was 
a small but not unwelcome advantage in the discussions to come.

“We are honoured to host you here Kanzaki-san.” Chairman Nukaga said as he 
sipped his own tea.

Kanzaki nodded showing no response to the slight of having his comments 
replied to by the junior man of the three LDP representatives.

Stepping in Secretary-General Fuyushiba spoke. “Perhaps it would be best if 
we spoke on the topic at hand?” he offered his President.

Kanzaki nodded. “Yes, I agree,” he said looking towards the LDPer’s. “I am 
afraid it is impossible for me to pledge my party’s support in the matter of 
Article 9 until the January session of the Diet.”

Sato wasn’t surprised by this at all. In fact he’d expected it when his 
efforts to handle this affair through junior members of the party met with 
excuses and delays in the earliest stages of reaching a consensus.

“I see,” Nukaga said. “Is there any particular way we can make it easier for 
your members to approve the amendment?”

“I don’t see any way in which that would be possible,” replied Kanzaki. “Our 
members feel such a change would require more time and consideration than 
what has been offered thus far.”

What they required Sato knew, was more time in power. Sato needed his 
Komeito partners to give him the two-thirds majority needed to amend the 
constitution and they knew it. While they could also provide him with the 
means to circumvent the House of Counsellors if needed, again requiring a 
vote of two-thirds of the majority in favour, his party held a solid 
minority in the House of Counsellors in addition to the majority in the 
House of Representatives. In short, Kanzaki wanted to delay the vote on 
Article 9 because it was his biggest bargaining chip with the LDP.

“I see,” Nukaga said again. “It is very unfortunate your membership is not 
ready to move forward on this issue, after all it is clearly favoured by our 
people or haven’t you read. Nearly 70% believe our deployment to Iraq was 
good for the nation, more than that believes we should change Article 9 to 
reflect our modern realities.”

“Unfortunately the New Komeito Party has always been one in favour of 
peaceful solutions, and it will take time to explain to our constituents the 
nuances of the changes being made and how they will effect our nation’s 
commitment to peace.”

Sato smiled. That excuse he could believe, anyone who would vote for 
Takenori Kanzaki would take sometime to explain *anything* to. Seizing on 
Sato’s expression Kanzaki asked.

“Have I said something funny Mr. Prime Minister?”

Sato rose to his feet. “Only everything Minister Kanzaki,” he said using 
Kanzaki’s title while regretting signing the document that gave him it.

The other LDP men rose with the Prime Minister as Sato continued. “This 
meeting is over.”

Kanzaki rose as well and buttoned up his coat before speaking. “Very well 
Mr. Prime Minister. I shall see you in Cabinet.”

Sato nodded and departed the room. The Secretary-General and Chairman Nukaga 
following behind in a silence that remained until they had reached the Prime 
Minister’s office.

“Bastards,” Nukaga said quietly before turning to Sato. “What are we going 
to do? We left before they gave us their demands.”

Secretary-General Takebe took off his glasses and studiously cleaned them. 
“Give it time,” he counselled.

And sure enough there was a knock on the door and at Sato’s call an aide 
entered. “Secretary-General Fuyushiba asked me to deliver this.”

Sato nodded and took the note and read it. Grimaced and passed it off to 
Takebe, who after reading it passed it to Nukaga.

“This is ridiculous,” said Nukaga. “We gave them three cabinet posts and 
have been very generous in considering their legislation for our support, 
but a bill making it mandatory for us to report whom in the business 
community we speak with. My family is in business do I need to report to 
talking to them?”

“All of our families are in business Nukaga-san,” Takebe said. “As are most 
of theirs, this is nothing more than Kanzaki’s insurance policy, he knows we 
won’t support such a policy, so we have to wait for his timing.”

“In the meantime,” Nukaga said. “We’ll be fed bill after bill. I am certain 
he won’t vote for it even when next January session begins, he’ll push it 
back further and further to get what he wants.”

“We’ve learned that lesion dealing with North Korea,” Sato said. 
“Appeasement does nothing more than delay the problem.”

Nukaga nodded and Takebe looked over putting on his glasses again. “Until 
the problem sorts it’s self out. North Korea will fall, so too will Kanzaki, 
his party lost three seats in this last election, only our coalition offer 
restored party confidence in his leadership.”
Nukaga frowned. “While we wait though, we are at Kanzaki’s and while we’re 
on the subject, Kim Jong-Il’s mercy.”

Sato turned from his where he’d been looking at the sunset through the 
window.

“Let us leave Korea out it for now. As for Kanzaki, I have an idea on how we 
can manage him if you gentlemen are willing to leave this to me I am 
confident we will have the votes we need to pass the bill before January.”

Nukaga nodded. “I should hope so Mr. Prime Minister, there has been a great 
deal of expectation placed on this government to pass this Amendment.”

Takebe merely nodded and the pair left Sato’s office with quick good byes. 
Once they had gone Sato took a deep cleansing breath and expelled as much of 
his anger with his supposed partners as he could then picked up the phone 
line to his secretary.

“Yurika, please call Akira and Hiroshi to my office please and bring me a 
list of the New Komeito Party members in both Houses of the Diet.”

“Of course Mr. Prime Minister,” Yurika replied.

“Thank you,” Sato said and hung up the phone.

Yurika, the wonder of organization that she was, arrived first with the list 
and taking one look at Sato’s expression went over to the sideboard 
afterwards and fixed him a triple of whiskey on the rocks and left it on his 
desk. Sato was already engrossed in his reading but looked up to nod a quick 
thanks before she departed. A moment later his son and son-in-law entered 
his office.

Sato looked up and got to his feet. “Thank you for coming in,” he said and 
directed them to the chairs in front of his desk. Both men sat at once 
though Akira did look longingly at Sato’s whiskey. However the Prime 
Minister didn’t catch it and Akira was too much of a dutiful son and aide to 
interrupt him to ask for one of his own so they continued.

“New Komeito has decided they cannot vote on the issue of amending Article 9 
right now.”

Hiroshi frowned. “Really? They are the only ones it seems.”

Akira nodded. “Yes, public opinion is strongly in favour of the amendment.”

Sato nodded. And why shouldn’t they be? He thought.  The issue had been 
discussed unofficially for over three years now and the public had been 
given time to warm to it. All Sato had added was the removal of the second 
part of last sentence in the first paragraph allowing Japan the option of 
using the threat of force or force to settle its disputes, like the one it 
was having with North Korea. The rest just legitimized the existing defence 
forces.

“Agreed, but this has nothing to do with the amendment and everything to do 
with politics,” Sato said. “Kanzaki doesn’t want to give up his advantage 
until he absolutely has to and so he’ll delay for as long as he can.”

“How long?” Hiroshi asked.

“He said January at the earliest,” Sato said.

“Did he offer anything?” Akira asked. “He knows we all but promised this as 
our Cabinet’s first order of business after dealing with North Korea.”

“A transparency bill making it mandatory for members of both houses to 
report their contact with any and all businessmen.”

Akira snorted. “Nukaga must have loved that, he and his Hashimoto faction 
friends are as deep into every pocket in from Sapporo to Nagasaki.”

Sato nodded. “However we can hardly admit that to the press, and if we leak 
his holding the amendment hostage he’ll counter with his bill proposal, and 
we can hardly turn it down under the public eye on paper it looks like an 
honest bill and good government.”

Hiroshi nodded. “So either we’re inept or we’re corrupt, either way Kanzaki 
has something to take to the next election. Clever bastard.”

“So the question is then, what do we do about him?” Akira asked.

“The lost seats last year hurt him with the party heads, but he has a strong 
base with the younger members of the party whom he helped get elected as 
well as the Soka Gakkai their parent organization who continues to support 
him. What we need in the New Komeito Party is someone to scare Kanzaki and 
send the word to both the younger members and the Soka Gakkai that Kanzaki 
is not their best bet.”

“Who?” asked Hiroshi.

Sato smiled ruefully. “I don’t know,” he said and his smiled turned cunning 
as he picked up the list of New Komeito members in both houses of the Diet. 
“But when you two find them make sure he knows that he has Kanzaki’s 
position in the cabinet if he can get the amendment passed.”

With that he handed them the list and with it much work to be done.

Akira smiled to his brother-in-law. “Best call Ayame Hiro-kun, you won’t be 
home for dinner.”

Actions:

1>	Set up some good old Japanese political infighting around Article 9.


Sources:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soka_Gakkai
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Komeito_Party
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberal_Democratic_Party_%28Japan%29
http://www.kantei.go.jp/foreign/constitution_and_government_of_japan/constitution_e.html

Reference Information:

Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution:

Current Version:
Article 9. Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and 
order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the 
nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international 
disputes.

In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and 
air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The 
right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.

Sato’s proposed changes (a mix of RL suggestions and my own ideas):

Article 9. Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and 
order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the 
nation.

In order to secure peace and the independence of our country as well as the 
security of the state and the people, military forces for defence shall be 
maintained with the prime minister of the cabinet as the supreme commander.

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